Sunday, July 26, 2020
A Very Necessary Book: Kelton's "The Deficit Myth"
Tuesday, July 14, 2020
When everyone sees what is on the end of every fork: Oesterich's "Pandemic Capitalism"
Wednesday, June 17, 2020
On Vollrath's "Fully Grown"
Wednesday, May 27, 2020
Above the System: On General Laws of Capitalism
Sunday, May 17, 2020
Capitalism: Golden Ages?
Compare and contrast the analysis of the
rise and fall of the Golden Age of Capitalism/Social Democracy in Bowles and
Carlin’s CORE-ECON Chapter 17, “The Great Depression, the Golden Age Of
Capitalism and the Global Financial Crisis”, with the analysis favored by your
instructor. In what ways are they the same and in what ways are they different?
Are the views of Bowles, Carlin and your instructor consistent with Thomas
Piketty’s view that the Golden Age was an aberration, unique and
non-repeatable, the result of a special set of historical circumstances
(chiefly, the two world wars and great depression) and that the years after
1980 (the era of Neoliberalism / hypercapitalism) have been a return to normal?
Langer
notes that there were several defining traits in the so-called golden age of
capitalism. He emphasizes that they are a strong safety net; a high minimum
wage; a situation where a good number of workers are in unions; a high top
marginal tax rate; strong regulations on wall street; and low inequality. These
were all caused through various mechanisms. First was the existence of the
labor movement as a countervailing power. There was also the communist threat, so
the postwar capitalist order was determined that a fair deal was possible under
capitalism. Then there was the need to rebuild the economy and physical infrastructure
after the destruction of war, so labor peace was needed. Then there were a
couple self-reinforcing ideological where the decadence of the nineteenth
century was seen as the result of rampant capitalism and greed, and Keynesianism
was seen as the key to economic policy.
For
Langer, this all fell apart with the rise of Reagan’s and Thatcherism. This was
pushed thorough with the decline of the labor movement and increased union
busting, anti-labor legislation and the growth of globalization. Corporate
profits had been squeezed, so there was pushback from big business and the
wealthy. Geopolitically, the end of communism in the Soviet Union as a
countervailing political / economic structure decreased the incentive to create
an equitable social system.
A
somewhat alternative view of the postwar economic utopia is seen in Bowles and
Carlin’s CORE econ book. In their formulation, the defining traits of the
golden age are low unemployment; high productivity growth; high growth rate of
capital stock; falling tax rates on corporate profits; and falling inequality
(7). Additionally, they note relative labor peace, as Langer does (21). They
also note the falling profit rates (25) as a reason for the end of the golden age
but seem to lay that more on worker militancy rising and less on government
policy pushback. Overall, they seem to rely more on a productivity-led
explanation for the growth than Langer does, as well as noting the effect of
the outside oil shock (25-6).
One
of the big questions in economic policy is if we can return to the period where
everything worked. It is called a golden age because prosperity was shared
between the workers and the capitalists in a sort of treaty (The treaty of
Detroit on a grand scale perhaps?). But the returnability is under debate
still. Thomas Piketty draws a giant asterisk on most of the 20th
century, saying that the period of 1914 to 1980, most of the whole “short
twentieth century” at least does not count. Now, this feels mighty presumptuous
to exclude a huge chunk history when your time period of examination is maybe
450 years. That is with dating the modern era generously. How far back do you
go, Watt, Luther, or Columbus? Piketty is wrong, and that perhaps Langer and
Bowels would agree in that we could get back to the economic conditions around
the golden age of capitalism. However, Langer’s class-based analysis is closer
to the key. Looking at how much emphasis Bowles et al put on productivity
growth is to remind me that TFP is more a “measure of our ignorance” than
someth8inga that can be gunned for in policy. Add to that my sympathy towards
Robert Gordon’s argument that we have picked the low hanging fruit of productivity
growth already, and the CORE golden age is less re-attainable. Of course,
history does not repeat itself, it merely rhymes. I hope that we are fortunate enough to come
out the other side of the current crisis with a reevaluation of our economic
priorities. I am just not that optimistic that we will.
Rational Class Consciousness
The “rational class consciousness'”
hypothesis is that in a class-based model, each class, besides being modeled,
will use the model to decide upon how it should act. Discuss the implications
of this hypothesis when it is applied in a Goodwin-Mehrling style model.
The
rational class consciousness is in looking at a model and using it to shape how
you act. If we take the Goodwin-Mehrling model, we can see that there are the
four outcomes that they model. Goodwin models the business cycle as wage shares
go up and down while unemployment goes down and then up, baring a special case
where unemployment and wages shares somehow hit on an equilibrium point and
stay there. Mehrling extends this model and says what if the classes are not
acting as autonomous individuals, but instead worked together. Through this assumption
(and several others), he models three other outcomes. There are three
possibilities. Two where the individual classes bargain as a class and where the
opposite class bargains separately and a third possibility where both classes bargain.
These
three possibilities have different outcomes in terms of wage share and
unemployment. If the capitalists bargain as a class and the workers bargain
alone, the system operates in a situation where the capitalists share of output
is the great majority and the workers only get enough to socially reproduce
(iron law of wages here?). Even with the lowered wage share, the workers will
still see unemployment in this model. If the opposite happens and the workers
are united and the many small businesses organize on their own, unemployment
does not exist, and the worker wage share is increased. It is in the third case
where both classes bargain as one where the best outcome happens for both
classes. There is full employment and the business class gets more of the wage
share than if they did not organize.
Friday, May 15, 2020
Money Saving Tips in the Time of Crisis
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